There are lands, scattered across our earth—like here in Morocco—from which energy emanates, compelling one to pause awhile, to let oneself be traversed by these elusive yet potent emanations, with an inexhaustible capacity to restore and invigorate weary bodies and souls.

There are people who radiate an energy that leaves no one untouched. They possess a passion for welcoming, a deftness in offering well‑being, and an insatiable desire to share the riches of life gathered along their journey.

There are places where an invisible hearth glows, inviting us to gather—a little removed from the world and its noise, sanctuaries where, for the span of a pause, we are offered a setting to rest and rediscover ourselves.

And sometimes, land, place, and person converge—and in their union, the magic of renewal emerges.

Here, in the village of Tisselday, nestled in the Imini valley on the southern slopes of the Atlas, Ahmed Agouni and his guesthouse Irocha invite us to such an experience.

Tisselday, the root place

Tisselday is an Amazigh word for the tool once used by local women to stretch their weaving between a loom’s vertical posts. Born here, Ahmed grew up roaming the surrounding mountains, so enchanted by the multicolored stones that he later went on to study geology at university. In 1994, he discovered a passion for traditional crafts—creating musical instruments and goatskin furniture. While living in Essaouira, where he opened a small bazaar, he met his partner Catherine, and together they decided to embark on the nascent tourism venture in this remote corner of southeast Morocco.

It was only natural that in 2000 he returned to his native land to lay the first stones of a hospitality project. He built a house of stone and earth, perched atop a rock overlooking the valley. Today, the place has reached its maturity: the warm patina of time is felt from the moment you enter. Nature has unfolded around it, and the house now offers a dozen guest rooms, a pool, dining areas, and a terrace opening onto the sky and the imposing Atlas Mountains—giving every visitor the thrilling sense of being like an eagle poised to take flight toward vast horizons.

A lire : The shepherd, the forgotten pearl of Moroccan cultural heritage

A few months ago, Irocha added a space dedicated to body care, with the opening of a hammam and massage room. More recently, a large hall has been fitted out in warm, soothing woodwork and stained glass, to host cultural discovery, movement, and meditation activities.

Over the years, Ahmed has seen how much travelers enjoy staying in his guesthouse, delighting in following him on walks along the mountain slopes or across the dunes of the vast Sahara. They have come to appreciate hearing him recount the region’s rich history, as well as discovering, through him, its many natural treasures and the ancestral know-how of local artisans.

The desire to welcome differently

Yet, despite this satisfaction, Ahmed feels within himself the need to evolve his approach to hospitality, drawing on a double experience patiently built up over the years.

He now understands more deeply than before what the traveler seeks in coming here, and conversely, discerns more clearly what his village, his guesthouse Irocha, and the entire region of southeast Morocco, with all the facets of its cultures and the traditions of its communities, can offer these travelers.

Of course, these travelers are here on holiday; having left behind, for a time, the hectic world and the exhausting lives they lead, their first need is for rest, leisure, and a sense of well-being restored. All this, Ahmed knows how to offer them from the moment they arrive at Irocha. But he has come to understand that some travelers are searching for something more; something new that will send them home changed — enriched by discovery, learning, or understanding, or else soothed, relieved of a burden, a pressure, or a sorrow.

And it is to these travelers that Ahmed now wishes to devote himself.

The universal alphabet of life’s essential virtues

He wishes to offer them more than a simple stay, but truly a sensitive encounter at the very heart of his region’s natural and cultural identity.

Here in the southeast, as nowhere else in Morocco, the landscapes unfold in all their beauty and diversity. From the peaks and slopes of the Atlas Mountains to the enchanting sands of the Sahara, the landscapes here unfold in all their beauty and diversity. Along the way, lush valleys—the Drâa, the Dadès, and the Ziz—offer a succession of date-palm oases and gardens of olives, almonds, and figs. Across the serene expanse of stone and endless plateaus, everything here is, for the traveler, a source of peace and wonder.

Urban life barely makes itself felt here, as if humbled by the majesty of Nature. That is why people have settled so discreetly, gathering in small villages with their characteristic houses of earth and stone.

Here is rural Morocco — the historic cradle of the royal dynasty, one of the age-old faces of its Amazigh identity, and the fertile ground of many of its traditional crafts. It is a world where the oldest traditions are still carried on through simple, everyday gestures, or in communal gatherings where time itself seems to stand still — a world where families truly delight in coming together at the weekly souks.

Life here, however, is harsh—just like the climate. In the face of adversity, the people of southeast Morocco have developed a keen sense of resilience, born of sobriety and simplicity, with smiles on their lips and hands extended in welcome, their eyes turned to the sky from which, inevitably, mercy and providence will come. Time is never a rival; patience comes naturally, humility prevails before the unfathomable mystery of life, and whatever little one has is always shared with the guest who is welcomed in.

All this, Ahmed knows as intimately as he knows his own heart, and he has understood how, here in southeast Morocco, a singular alchemy between humanity, Nature, and time makes the universal alphabet of life’s essential virtues resound.

From Irocha, Ahmed now offers his guests far more than mere hospitality; he invites them to set out to encounter these life-giving virtues, to share in their savor and their benefits.

An invitation to take time to reconnect with what is essential, with others, and thus with oneself.

Photo credits : Abdellah Azizi / azifoto.com

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According to oral tradition, it houses the body of a deceased saint named Yaâcoub or Jacob, whose origins are unknown. Throughout history, communities of both Muslim and Jewish faiths have revered him.

According to custom, women from neighboring villages or passing through stop at the foot of this wall to engage in an intercessory ritual unique to the female community. They slip some stones into the crevices between the different stones of the wall. Then they deposit their laments and wishes, most often in the form of sung prayers.

As a child, I accompanied my mother to her ancestral village of Tazroute. Regular family visits that filled me with joy, although the distance to walk was exhausting. We walked more than three kilometers.

I remember as if it were yesterday the women on this dirt track traced by repeated footsteps. These women always walked carrying a basket, a bowl on their heads, a bundle of grass, or a child clinging to their backs, others bent under the weight of jugs to be carried for hours on end. Mothers carried with them their children, their thin bodies clad in tirelessly mended dresses, their tufts of hair like crests atop shaved and sun-tanned skulls.

My mother never missed the ritual of meditating against the wall of Moulay Yaâcoub, just like the other pilgrims who came, from morning till night, to lament by this saint as if to deposit their burning and secret sadness there.

For all these women, this place was like a refuge. They implored its host in moments of despair with a deep hope that he would come to relieve them.

I see them reciting a rosary of barely audible and vague words. Hands gently placed on the wall’s edge. Tongues then loosen and hearts open.

Did all these women come to celebrate each the funerals of their days and hopes, to entrust their misfortunes to these mute walls? So many tears have fallen here, like drops of an incessant and silent rain. They still echo through time, in the wells of our memories.

Some women have left forever, others have aged. And I have aged over the seasons. But through all this time, I have kept these childhood memories.

Like in the past, I recently came to visit these dilapidated walls to revive this fragment of my roots.

I recognized the familiar face of one of these women, though sculpted by wrinkles, the body bent by old age. This faithful neighbor of Moulay Yaâcoub’s final resting place confided in me in turn:

Moulay Yaâcoub, the confidant, the protector, the savior, the healer, the miraculous… but also a simple earthen ruin standing steadfastly at the foot of the rock. Our mothers entrusted him with their most intimate secrets, those kept in amulets and other talismans. Their hearts still slumber there.

Upon these walls, they wept, and their tears flow as if their overflow were a sunset.

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You can read the article while listening to the Raïs chant.

In the mosaic of Morocco’s identity, the Gnawa hold a special place. Their presence not only enhances the country’s uniqueness but also deepens its soul. Known for their musical style, the Gnawa community in Morocco primarily carries echoes from sub-Saharan Africa. In this regard, they are the rightful heirs of the distant struggles of slavery that have long permeated the kingdom’s territories, reaching even its remotest corners. The Gnawa also embody an ancestral mystique blending healing arts with divine dialogue. Dispersed throughout Morocco, the Gnawa adhere to various traditions that set them apart from one another. One such tradition is connected to a mythical ancestor named Lalla Mimouna, revered by all as the defining figure of their identity. Near Tinghir, in the Todgha Valley, one of these Gnawa communities resides and regularly resonates with the hues of their heritage. M’bark El Haouzi oversees this community and has agreed to answer questions for southeast-morocco.com.

Southeast-morocco.com – You have dedicated your academic research to the Gnawa, notably by publishing the book “The Gnawa of Lalla Mimouna,” co-authored with Erwan Delon. What sparked your interest in this subject, and why did you choose to focus on this specific community?

M’bark El Haouzi – I am the Amghar of the Gnawa of Todgha, and I have devoted my life to valorizing and safeguarding this culture, which was on the brink of disappearing in the early 1980s.

Indeed, there was a lack of interest in this culture, and the risk of its erasure was real. In 1994, while pursuing my bachelor’s degree in French Language and Literature, I wrote my thesis on “The Gnawa Festival – Performances and Theatrical Games in the Errachidia Region.” In 1992, during an annual festival in Igli, I asked some questions to the late Messaoud Oubelkhir. He was one of the best Gnawa in the South of Morocco and a true guardian of Gnawa memory and traditions. He was renowned for his performances and his specific style of play. Before answering me, he asked about the purpose of my questions. I told him that my intention was to conduct an academic study on Gnawa activities and traditions in the Southeast of Morocco. He then took my hand and said:

I then promised him to dedicate myself to the preservation and valorization of the Gnawa heritage.

Southeast-morocco.com – Can you outline the main points of the history of the Gnawa community in southeastern Morocco: its origins, the period and reasons for its arrival in this part of Morocco, particularly in the Draa Valley, Tafilalet, and Todgha?

MEH – The arrival of the Gnawa in Morocco occurred in two main waves. The first took place during the reign of Ahmed Al-Mansour Dahbi. Born in 1549 in Fez and died in Marrakech in 1603, he was the 6th sultan of the Saadian dynasty. During his reign, which lasted from 1578 to 1603, he brought significant groups of black populations from the former Sudan – now Mali, Senegal, Niger, Mauritania, and Guinea. His objective was to have them work in sugar refineries such as those in Essaouira and Marrakech. At the end of his reign, these slaves revolted and destroyed the refineries before dispersing throughout the country.

Some of them ended up in service to maraboutic zaouias, while others served as chiefs of many rural tribes or alongside the Sultan’s representatives, the Caïds, who took them as domestic slaves.

All of them, scattered throughout rural Morocco, spoke Berber.

Etymology of the word Gnawa : according to Delafosse (1924), the Berber expression “akal-n-iguinaouen,” meaning “land of the Blacks,” gave rise to the words Guinea and Ghana, and subsequently to the word “gnaoua” due to phonetic similarity. Therefore, “gnaoua” would mean, by extension, black man or coming from the land of black men, i.e., sub-Saharan Africa. (Source: Wikipedia)

The Gnawa of the city and their trance culture.

A second wave brought the Gnawa to the city. They are called the Urban Gnawa because they arrived when the major cities of Morocco were being founded. They originated from Moulay Ismaïl’s royal guard and were called the Bukhara. They came with the caravans of Saharan trade at the end of the 18th century and throughout the 19th century.

They brought with them a music whose purpose is therapeutic. It’s the culture of trance. They are Arabic speakers.

However, it’s important not to forget that populations with black skin had already inhabited the Maghreb since antiquity. Many historians confirm their presence, particularly in the various oases of southeastern Morocco as peaceful cultivators of date palms and the land. They were called the Haratine.

The Haratins (in Berber isemghan, singular asemgh), sometimes called Black Moors, refer to black inhabitants of the Sahara, with various statuses depending on the regions. (Source: Wikipedia)

As for our Gnawa community, who arrived very early in the Southeast, we became linked with the Berber tribes of the Ait Atta, and we followed them wherever they went and settled.

Southeast-morocco.com – How did this community live in the Southeast region? What was its position and role in local society? What links did it have with other population groups?

MEH –So our community became closely linked to the Ait Atta very early on. The Saghro Massif represents their ancestral land, the cradle of their confederation. We have always had good relations with them, but like any black-skinned person, our ancestors experienced slavery or servitude.

It’s worth noting the multitude of names used to refer to these black individuals, who indeed do not all have the same origin but who all have been victims in one way or another of slavery.

Two main appellations can be observed: the Ikabliyen and the Ismkhan, also known as Ignaoun. The latter term is given to blacks associated with noble families, present as domestic slaves. However, later on, it is used as a local designation, so gnawa – ignaoun – ismkhan and ismgan are terms with equivalent meanings but which differ according to regions.

Those referred to by the first appellation are marginalized and continue to maintain the status that was once reserved for them. Therefore, in Todgha, the terms Ikabliyen and Haratine still carry a very pejorative connotation, as they refer to black men whose mission is to work in the fields, in other words, to be slaves.

These relationships stem from the dual origin of Moroccans. Overall, they consist of white Berbers and black Haratines, descendants of former slaves uprooted from sub-Saharan Africa. This second category continues to be subjected to an inferior status and is, in fact, exploited by the first.

In response to this situation, we can observe a significant emigration of blacks outside the villages, either abroad or towards the cities of the country, where working conditions are better and more lucrative. However, no one has come to replace those who left, resulting in a loss for the local economy as villages have been drained of their workforce.

However, it would be wrong to believe that blacks suffer violence; they are exploited economically. It should also be noted that until very recent times, these individuals formed miserable human groupings and, left to themselves, did not receive the necessary assistance to remedy the afflictions that burdened them.

A proud Gnawa community of its origins

Southeast-morocco.com – It is common to refer to the Gnawa using the term “Laâbid”, which literally means “slave” in Arabic. Why this appellation? How was this appellation perceived by members of the Gnawa community?

MEh – In fact, terms like Laâbid, Issamkhan, or Issamgan are always associated with the period of slavery and are given and used by white people to assert their superiority, exert power, and dominate over people of color, marginalizing them.

The perfect term is Ignawen (plural of the Amazigh term agnaw). This term is used to refer to black populations coming from distant lands to settle in the southern regions of Morocco. These populations spoke a language that the inhabitants of these regions did not understand. I can say that these racist appellations were the cause of the degradation of our traditions in the southeast regions until a recent time.

That said, nowadays, the Gnawa community no longer pays attention to these appellations because they are aware of the value of their heritage and are proud of their origin and identity.

Southeast-morocco.com – The Gnawa of the Southeast do not enjoy as much fame as those of Essaouira or Marrakech. How do you explain this? What differences can we observe between these different communities scattered across Morocco?

MEH – The Gnawa of Sidna Bilal have been extensively studied and indeed are more widely known in the media. The fact that they live in large cities has likely played a role. Their appellation also explains their notoriety, as Sidna Bilal was the first muezzin of the Prophet of Islam.

Their music is part of the trance culture with therapeutic purposes. They use a three-stringed instrument with a low register. Their calendar is lunar, and their ritual, always nocturnal, takes place at the end of the month of Chaâbane because they believe that with the arrival of the sacred month of Ramadan, all djinns are chained.

This trance practice has attracted much interest from anthropology, and Moroccan society has quickly integrated them because trance already existed in the cultural background of Moroccan society, among the Aïssawa, Hmadcha, and Derkaoua.

To be Gnawa of Lalla Mimouna, from father to son

Among the Gnawa followers of Lalla Mimouna, one inherits the Gnawa tradition from father to son, so we are Gnawa families. Conversely, among the followers of Sidna Bilal, one can become Gnawa by undergoing the initiation process into therapeutic practices, which makes these Gnawa more accessible to study and integrate, as anyone can become Gnawa.

This is why this book constitutes an exceptional testimony allowing us to discover the heritage of the Gnawa of Lalla Mimouna, which until now has remained in the shadow of the Gnawa of Sidna Bilal.

Southeast-morocco.com – What are the cultural traditions specific to this Gnawa community in the Southeast?

MEH – The Gnawa of the southeastern region of Morocco are called the followers of Lalla Mimouna or Gnawa of the Companion. They are named as such because they worship Lalla Mimouna, here called the Companion. She is an ancient African deity whom the Gnawa honor and engage with in all their activities. She is indeed the faithful and inseparable companion of the Gnawa, the one who comforts, heals, and accompanies the Gnawa throughout their entire lives.

This tradition is found in different regions of Morocco such as the Souss region, the North of Morocco, and even in Algeria.

The music of the Gnawa of the Companion is called Ganga in Berber. Regularly, groups go on begging tours, and all of them perform the pilgrimage to Lalla Mimouna every year. Our musical instruments are drums and castanets. There are two drum players who set the rhythm for the dancers. These dances and music are our heritage that we want to preserve intact.

Southeast-morocco.com – How does this annual pilgrimage to Lalla Mimouna unfold?

MEH – The tradition tells that Lalla Mimouna stayed on a mountain near the douar of Tamsermass, in the rural commune of M’cissi, Caïdat, Alnif Circle, and Tinghir Province in Southeast Morocco. Since then, a sanctuary has been erected to commemorate her presence.

The journey of the Gnawa to the sanctuary of Lalla Mimouna always takes place at the beginning of spring, specifically during the first week of the agricultural month of March. It is a ritual journey, a step that all believers must take. For them, it is a customary tradition inherited from their parents; but it is also a time for prayers and seeking forgiveness for sins and the blessing of their lives.

During the three days of the journey, sacredness and divinity are always present. The Gnawa try to relive the mythical time, the one their first ancestors deported from their homeland, would have remembered and longed for.

It should be noted that the Berber tribes of the Ait Atta have adopted the belief in Lalla Mimouna and participate in her pilgrimage.

Southeast-morocco.com – In the past, Gnawa music and dance were an important component of the cultural landscape of the southeastern region of Morocco, much like Ahidous, Ahwach, etc. What were the values and messages conveyed by this music and dance at that time?

MEH – Women are very attentive to visits from the Gnawa; they ask Lalla Mimouna for blessings for their children or fertility for themselves. Women often enter into trance during visits from the Gnawa. These trances thus have a therapeutic purpose as they allow the release of pent-up emotions.

On the other hand, the Gnawa tours constitute a special moment for the villagers, a celebration in which they participate, it’s the time for the spectacle. The Gnawa provide entertainment, but there is also the mystical aspect inherent in the veneration of a woman, Lalla Mimouna.

The villagers see the Gnawa as the bearers of blessings, and that’s why they participate in large numbers in the rituals offered.

For the preservation of the mystical symbolism

Southeast-morocco.com – Today, Gnawa music is reduced to a purely folkloric aspect and seems to have lost its mystical symbolism. Is this really the case, or is there still survival of these traditions? How do you think we can revalue this cultural heritage that belongs to the collective history of the Southeast and Morocco in general?

MEH – Indeed, we are witnessing a folklorization and commercialization of the Gnawa phenomenon. In this context, it’s easy to succumb to the allure of money while overlooking the mystical aspect.

Among the Gnawa of the Companion, we remain very attentive to this mystical symbolism. It is an essential point; the Gnawa venerate Lalla Mimouna with all the spiritual implications it entails, and it is also crucial to respect the tagnaouite values. These are the values we convey: decency between sexes and generations, mutual assistance in the community, and universal peace.

Furthermore, to valorize this heritage, it is essential to have the support of the authorities who must realize the fortune of having Gnawa in their region. Gnawa should be highlighted by involving them in cultural events and making them one of the cultural symbols of the region.

In these challenging times, it is more necessary than ever for policymakers to support our ancestral heritage that we keep alive from generation to generation.

To order the book “The Gnawa of Lalla Mimouna” from the publishing house L’Harmatan.

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The cultural heritage of Morocco is abundant, and its flamboyance undoubtedly inspires the millions of visitors who come to stay throughout the year. Its crafts such as carpet weaving, pottery, or woodworking, its architectures where the chapters of a multi-century history can be read, its diverse territories where a myriad of traditions unfold such as festive customs, culinary practices, community arts like dances, clothing, jewelry…, all this harmonious ensemble portrays a smiling face of Morocco, precisely the one that welcomes passing visitors and underpins the strength of a booming tourist economy.

This gleaming image of Morocco certainly has the advantage of undeniable commercial effectiveness, but its flaw lies in simplifying the country’s cultural landscape, turning it into folklore for easy and quick discovery, thus obscuring other realities of Moroccan cultural identity whose nature and expression make their inscription into the mechanisms of frenzied commodification difficult.

Behind the towering totems of Moroccan cultural heritage, there remain cultural gems too often overlooked. Behind this simplified vision of heritage and its staging before the amazed eyes of visitors from around the world, there lies the neglect of the diversity of Morocco’s cultural identity. And there is a whole people, and Moroccan youth in particular, who have little knowledge of the breadth and richness of their own cultural heritage.

The shepherd silently fades from Morocco’s identity pantheon

The shepherd in Morocco is one of those cultural gems that often goes unnoticed. Though he roams alone with his flocks of sheep or goats in the massifs and valleys of the country’s vast mountains, he carries in his pack the distant past of all Moroccans, from those ancient times when human communities were nomadic and traversed continents like territories.

He is the living expression of Morocco’s geographical singularity, composed primarily of the majestic Atlas chain, of which he is a natural inhabitant.

He is one of the major genealogical roots of Moroccans, many of whom hail from rural and mountainous Morocco and count a shepherd among their ancestors.

Today, the shepherd should be a recognized, valued, and protected figure within Moroccan society, just like the carpet weaver or the dancer adorned in their radiant attire.

Instead, fewer and fewer people choose this way of life. Transhumance routes for herds are becoming increasingly scarce, access to water is becoming more difficult every year, the shepherd lacks social status, and there is no support provided by the community to sustain the activity, let alone to encourage its continuation among the younger generations.

The figure of the shepherd is gradually, silently disappearing from Morocco’s identity pantheon.

A collective determination to act

However, some in Morocco have become aware of this fading and have wondered how to counteract this inexorable process that sees, here as in so many other countries, modernity and time eroding entire segments of the cultural fabric of human communities. They may not be numerous, but their intention is sincere, and their approach pioneering.

Firstly, there is the Moroccan NGO We Speak Citizen, already heavily involved in valorizing the most fragile components of Moroccan cultural heritage. After opening a House of Orality in the ksar of Aït Ben Haddou near Ouarzazate, and after promoting the tradition of the argan tree in the hinterlands of Agadir, a focus on the realities of the shepherd was an obvious next step.

Further reading : La Maison de l’Oralité du ksar d’Aït Ben Haddou : une première au Maroc

Secondly, there is a Belgian national, Anne Alaime, who has been living in Morocco for nearly ten years in a region where the shepherd is precisely the central figure: the Aït Bouguemez valley with its high mountains in the heart of the Central High Atlas, at the foot of the M’Goun massif, which rises to 4,071 meters.

Anne became passionate about this valley, and it was evident that she would engage in preserving the local sheep breed, the Tighaline, perfectly adapted to these mountainous regions. The first step was to breed and nurture a carefully selected flock to maximize the inherent qualities of this breed. For this, the expertise of the Hassan II Institute of Veterinary Agriculture was sought. Then, Anne focused on highlighting the particular quality of the wool provided by the Tighaline ewes. Mobilizing the talent of the valley’s women allowed for the weaving of carpets as they were made in the past, with incomparable quality compared to carpets produced from industrial wool.

Along the way, she discovered the harsh realities of the shepherd’s life and understood why many of them dissuade their children from following the same path. Year after year, the toil becomes more challenging. Everything contributes to making the profession impossible to sustain. Everything participates in its disappearance from the Moroccan landscape.

The encounter between Anne and Loubna Mouna, head of the NGO We Speak Citizen, will enable the affirmation of a collective will to act against the disappearance of this shepherd profession, one of the oldest facets of Moroccan cultural heritage.

The flagship location of this old profession on the brink of extinction

To address this challenge, the need quickly arose to organize a moment of discovery of the realities and issues at stake. Thus, from May 3rd to May 8th, 2023, at Anne’s project site, in her open-air sheepfold in the village of Imelghas, province of Azilal, at the heart of the Aït Bouguemez valley, the “Shepherd’s Days” were held. These days brought together an audience from major cities in Morocco, sensitive to the protection of Moroccan heritage, as well as academics concerned with pastoralism or rurality, and of course, the shepherds of the valley and others from neighboring territories (such as Lake Isoghar, the Cathedral Valley, Ouzighimt Valley, etc.). According to all involved, these days provided a framework for concrete actions to meet the challenge of restoring the support and means necessary for the sustainability of the shepherd profession.

The Shepherd’s House should thus be a multidisciplinary center focusing on pastoralism. Firstly, the primary objective will be to highlight the various aspects of the shepherd’s profession in order to offer future visitors a comprehensive panorama covering both the past and the present, human dimension, professional practices, and traditional uses such as transhumance routes, knowledge of plants, stars, and more.

This house should also serve as a research hub for the future of the profession and therefore support its evolution by addressing issues that shepherds are facing, such as breed selection, improvement of practices, dealing with urbanization, and access to water. A documentary collection should be established to gather all published materials on the subject, and accommodation facilities should be arranged to host research residencies.

An important aspect of the project will be to implement approaches that enhance the value of meat and wool from the Tighaline sheep breed native to the valley, thus strengthening the economic advantage of the high mountain shepherd profession. The carpets woven with this wool are indeed different from mass-produced rugs sold in numerous bazaars across the country.

Likewise, the meat from these high mountain sheep should be marketed nationwide, especially in urban centers, but at a price that respects both the qualitative added value, due to high-altitude breeding and transhumance practices, and the production costs associated with this uniqueness. The project team is already considering the establishment of an official label, such as “mountain-raised animal,” to accompany the meat to the retail points.

Lastly, and perhaps the main objective of the Shepherd’s House project, the place should directly address shepherds to support the continuation of their profession, particularly in the specifics of high mountain practice. The issues faced by these shepherds are concrete and require specific actions: how to provide supplementary food to high mountain herds during the winter season? How to set up water points in these steep areas? How to establish a formal social status for shepherds that could grant access to insurance and retirement benefits? Addressing all these elements may one day encourage young people to join this profession, as has been the case in other mountainous regions of Europe. The Shepherd’s House should fulfill this useful role of advising shepherds and lobbying with the authorities.

The Shepherd’s House project touches upon the essence

The cooperative “Maison du Berger” has come to life. The first flock of Tighaline sheep exists in Anne’s sheepfold. The next steps led by the NGO We Speak Citizen will aim to establish concrete plans for this future Shepherd’s House and then mobilize the necessary partners to implement all components of the project.

Step by step, the project’s leaders, Loubna, Anne, Fatima Zahra, and Younes, advance on this rugged path so that one of the living pearls of Moroccan heritage finally shines at its true value.

They know that the first step has laid the solid foundations for the continuation of this beautiful adventure. Indeed, and from the audience that attended this first edition of the “Shepherd’s Days“, mostly Moroccan and from major cities in Morocco, everyone left with a smile, almost enchanted, as if transformed by this encounter with the world of shepherds.

At the end of these dedicated days, the shepherds themselves had smiles on their faces. Returning to the slopes of the mountains alongside their flocks, they must have felt the satisfaction, and perhaps the relief, of finally seeing themselves, if only for a moment, among the participants, a pearl among the multicolored beads of their Moroccan cultural identity.

With the discreet but steadfast hope of one day being seen as a pearl adorning Morocco’s necklace.

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The traveler thus admires, scattered along the valleys fracturing the mineral vastness of the Atlas, all these villages and their homes, huddled together with a clear intent of protection, made of earth and embedded in the earth, as if veiled, almost invisible beneath the uniformity of the ochre adorning them.

At the ksar of Aït Ben Haddou, as everywhere else in the southeastern Moroccan region and beyond the vast Sahara Desert, the structure of dwellings is built block by block using the compaction technique within a wooden frame of slightly moist earth interspersed with stones. This is the age-old technique of rammed earth construction.

One must envision the repeated action of the artisan mason. He compacts, using a long and heavy wooden pestle, the natural mortar to the rhythm of the workers’ song, who pour, one after the other, their bucket of earth into the mold, thus rendering, under the force of his blows, and after drying, the earth mixture as solid as rock.

To live in the embrace of the earth is above all to shield oneself from the vagaries of climate, and the region welcomes them here in their starkness, both winter and summer. It is also to indulge in the encompassing silence. It is to provide one’s community with an organized, comforting home, as so many peoples have done under different skies, around a central room pierced in its midst by an opening to the sky and its lights, with a series of rooms surrounding it.

This earthen structure is covered on its facades with another layer of earth mixed with straw or sand. Here lies the opportunity to inscribe the signs of its mixed traditions, perpetuating the sacred or simply delighting in presenting to the eye the elegance of the designs.

Often, walls surrounded the villages in their entirety to fortify them against all threats and thus preserve their agricultural harvests from the voracious appetite of enemies ever on the lookout. The village then became a ksar, an Ighrem in the Amazigh language. In its center, a large space allowed the inhabitants to gather to discuss collective affairs or to celebrate around traditional Ahwach dances. Here in Aït Ben Haddou, the agora is organized in a square called Agoulid n’Youssef.

The Jewish community of the ksar used to gather around a round stone, Tifirte n’raha, also called Abraham’s stone. The caravanserai near the north entrance, called Imi n’Taqmout, welcomed visitors and their mounts. A main street irrigated a maze of narrow alleys, often covered with a roof. Stone benches here and there offered rest for the elders. The mosque awaited prayers, as did the synagogue.

Thus went life in the ksar of Aït Ben Haddou, at the heart of the earth and on the thread of time.

The post A ksar nestled in the heart of the earth appeared first on Southeast-morocco.com.

The Berber world is like a world in itself, full and vast of a history that plunges into the distant past of our humanity, rich and colorful with a morning identity from its roots to the three horizons, solid, almost mineral, and yet vibrant multiple resonances of its culture. It is now recognized that Amazighity is an integral part of Morocco’s identity, at the very least of its unity, as clearly stipulated in the new Constitution of 2011.

Sudestmaroc.com takes you to discover this Amazigh world by starting a first journey with the observation of its culture under the gaze of a personality who is both expert and passionate about his subject. Dr. Mohamed Chtatou thus answers our questions.

Southeast-morocco.com – From what time of humanity can we speak of a strictly Berber culture?

Mohamed Chtatou – The Berber, self-named Amazigh – in the plural Imazighens – is one of the descendants of the pre-Arab inhabitants of North Africa. Today, Berbers live in communities scattered across Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Mali, Niger, Mauritania and Canary Islands. They speak several Amazigh languages ​​all belonging to the Afro-Asiatic family related to ancient Egyptian. These Berber populations have been present in this continental region since the Upper Paleolithic.

The Upper Palaeolithic is the period of prehistory characterised by the development of certain techniques (flakes, tools and weapons made of hard animal materials, propeller, etc.), while at the same time there was an explosion of art. The Upper Palaeolithic extends from about 45,000 to 12,000 years before the present. (Source : Wikipedia)

The indigenous population of North Africa was formed by the arrival of several waves of people, some from Western Europe, others from sub-Saharan Africa and still others from Northeast Africa.

The origins of the Berber peoples are not clearly known but their history is long and ancient, much of which is unknown to us because these peoples did not have a written language at the time. The first clue to their history was the discovery of cave paintings. Indeed, 12,000-year-old North African cave paintings have been spotted in Tadrart Acacus, Libya. Many of these paintings depict agricultural activities and domestic animals. Paintings have also been found in Tassili n’Ajjer, in southeastern Algeria.

From around 2000 BC, the Berber languages ​​spread westward from the Nile Valley to the Maghreb, passing through the northern Sahara. In the first millennium BC, their speakers were the native inhabitants of the vast region visited by the Greeks, Carthaginians and Romans. A series of Berber peoples – Mauri, Masaesyli, Massyli, Musulami, Gaetuli, Garamantes – then gave rise to Berber kingdoms under Carthaginian and Roman influence.

Among these kingdoms, Numidia and Mauritania were officially incorporated into the Roman Empire at the end of the 2^nd century BC, but others appeared in late antiquity following the Vandal invasion of 429 AD and Byzantine reconquest of 533 AD, only to be suppressed by Arab conquests of the 7^th and 8^th centuries AD.

Southeast-morocco.com – In view of the vast geographical expanse occupied by Berber populations, are we dealing with a Berber culture or Berber cultures?

MC – We can distinguish two main Berber cultures: that of the north, in the countries bordering the Mediterranean, and that of the south in the Sahara and the Sahel.

The Berbers of the North received the denomination of Imazighens and those of the South of Tuaregs. The Imazighen are mostly sedentary with a nomadic minority and the Tuareg are mostly nomadic. The Imazighen are found from the Siwa Valley in Egypt to the Canary Islands via Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. The Tuaregs in Mali, Niger and a tiny part in Burkina Faso.

Southeast-morocco.com – What was the organizational model of the Berber community?

MC – First of all, the traditional Berber community has as its basic unit the nuclear family, generally patrilineal. Starting from this unity, the tribal group is composed by the reunion of several families gathered around the name of a common ancestor. It is also from this founding name that the tribes acquire a public identity. They use the name Aït, which means people or family, followed by the name of the common ancestor.

In principle, all families within a tribe are equal, governed by a code of honor under the authority of a council of elders, the jmā^cath (democratically elected political entity) which maintains harmony within the community and act of judgments in the event of conflicts, in particular to fix compensations and determine punishments.

In fact, the different Berber societies were not so egalitarian. The tribe regularly admitted new people to their village, but they were then considered inferior. More generally, the elders who held power often came from the same ruling families.

The Tuaregs, a people of aristocratic nomads

The Tuaregs of Ahaggar and southern Sahara, also known as “blue men” because of their indigo-dyed robes and face veils, were aristocratic nomads who ruled over vassals, serfs and slaves who cultivated the oases in their name; they in turn recognized supreme chiefs or kings, who were called amenukals. The Tuaregs have retained a form of the ancient Libyan consonant script under the name Tifinagh, although most of the script is done in Arabic by a class of Muslim scholars.

Southeast-morocco.com – How is the Berber identity structured?

MC -One can distinguish three main themes in the Amazigh culture which constitute an important and primordial trinity in its system of values. These themes have transcended Berber culture and have been widely accepted as core concepts of Moroccan identity.

The trinity in question revolves around the following notions: first, we distinguish the importance of language as a vehicle of culture and the main marker of identity (Tamazight/awal) both in terms of communication and the perpetuation of history. Then there is the omnipresence of the strong and indivisible system of kinship and belonging to the extended family (ddam/tamount) which is expressed by solidarity and coexistence. Finally, there is the strong connection to the earth and the identification with its benefits and the belief in its sacredness (akkal/tammourt/tamazirt); this last identity marker is very strong among other peoples around the Mediterranean.

The most obvious theme, which is present in the Amazigh community in Morocco, is the importance of language in society, civilization and life. When one contemplates the culture of the Amazigh people, there is a clear correlation between the relevance of the language and the preservation of civilization and millennial traditions. This is the case, for example, of the Master Musicians Jahjouka in the northeast of Morocco. Their trance music and anthropological theater has gone through four thousand years of history without a scratch.

The history and belief system of the Amazigh people have been preserved orally from father to son; where one generation transmitted history, wisdom and laws to another, automatically through the mother tongue, a powerful linguistic vehicle. In reality, despite the existence of three distinct Amazigh dialects in Morocco, the history and laws of the Amazigh people have synchronized and survived countless invasions through a long history of eight millennia.

The matriarch as the pivotal person of the Amazigh family

However, the idea of ​​kinship that manifests itself through people related by blood, experience and history shows a relevant distinction between Amazigh and Moroccan culture in the sense that the Amazigh community system emphasizes the notion of the matriarch as the pivotal person of the family imbued with democratic values, while Moroccan culture, of Arab substrate, prefers a patriarchy, very strong and undivided.

Among the Amazighs, blood ties are sacred in marriage, paternity and family affiliations. Indeed, two tribes sign their alliance by a marriage. Blood, in the context of sacrifice, is also a sign of reconciliation, of asking for forgiveness and of respect (tagharst). It is also the symbol of hospitality, a sheep is slaughtered to welcome a guest or any stranger because to shed blood is to establish a bond of respect with the newcomer and include him in society and in the community, the jma^cath.

The earth, a sacred good

The Amazighs regard the land as a sacred good which not only supported life, but provided protection against Western and Arab imperialist campaigns and which also helped to preserve the language and the community system. Moreover, the sale of any inherited piece of land has been a strongly stigmatized notion (Hshuma) in the Amazigh culture of always.

The Amazigh civilization has survived the wear and tear of time and invading cultures thanks to the infinite love that the natives of North Africa have for the land that nourishes, protects and strengthens them. We can also see that Amazigh has managed to defy time because the mountains (akkal) have protected it against acculturation and invasion.

The love of the Amazigh for the land is manifested in agriculture and during festivals celebrating its benefits for the community. We find such celebrations among the ancient Amazighs of the Jbalas, in particular the Aït Serif clan with their oldest musicians in the Mediterranean, the Jahjouka, who celebrate the fertility of the land in music and dance during their annual festival known by the name of Boujloud in Arabic and Bou-Irmawen/Ilmawen in Tamazight.

Southeast-morocco.com – Exogenous political and cultural powers have regularly occupied Amazigh territories, from the Phoenicians to the French. How did Berber culture develop in the face of these successive pressures? Has Berber culture demonstrated a capacity for assimilation, interbreeding or preservation?

MC – The history of the Berbers living today in Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya and Egypt, is deeply marked by the domination of groups of populations from elsewhere – first by the Romans, then by the Arabs, and later by the French, Spaniards and Italians.

“Adaptation and rebellion” – these were the only options open to the Berbers under foreign rule. As free men, that is how the term Imazighen can be translated into English, they mostly opted for non-adaptation and retreated to mountainous areas to practice their culture in their families and escape prosecution from foreign rulers.

Tattoos were one of the means of rebellion. The signs and ornaments that decorate the backs of men’s hands speak of tribal affiliation and religion – and they were banned under Muslim rule.

To counter its assimilation in the face of the cultures of the conquering peoples, the Berbers were able to ensure their own cultural continuity throughout history thanks to their arts and the identity symbols that were thus conveyed. Music obviously played an important role. The ancient Berber culture is extraordinarily rich and diverse, with a variety of musical styles. These range from bagpipes and oboe (Celtic style) to pentatonic music (reminiscent of Chinese music), all combined with African rhythms and a very large stock of authentic oral literature. These traditions have been kept alive by small bands of musicians who travel from village to village, as they have done for centuries, to enliven weddings and other social occasions with their songs, stories and poems.

The mother, vector of Berber cultural continuity

Berber mothers have been largely responsible for the survival of the Berber language and cultural identity. Mothers share traditional stories and beliefs with their children. Women also preserve cultural traditions through handicrafts, such as tapestry, jewelry, tattoos, and pottery.

Rural women, especially those who are illiterate, preserve Tamazight as a living language, infusing traditional art forms with a certain orality to transmit linguistic traditions from generation to generation. In the realm of music and poetry, Amazigh women use their verses to keep the community informed of the movements of different members, to recount important events, to uphold moral and social codes, and to remind the wider community the ties that unite them and their common memory.

Southeast-morocco.com – The Amazigh New Year represents a singular Amazigh tradition. Could you retrace the origins and the symbolism of this tradition?

MC – Although anthropologists say that it is difficult to establish with precision the possible historical roots of the Berber New Year, known as Yennayer. Some historians link it to the enthronement as pharaoh of the Amazigh king Shashnak after defeating Ramses III, in 950 BC. The Amazighs thus succeeded in establishing a kingdom that stretched from Libya to Egypt. This glorious victory would have marked the beginning of the Amazigh calendar.

The Amazigh New Year marks the first day of the agricultural year for Berber communities. It corresponds to the first day of January in the Julian calendar. The year 2020 thus corresponds to the year 2970, and the day of the new year is around January 12 in our usual calendar. The Berbers sometimes call this festival “Id u-Suggas“, which means “night of the year”. And Arab communities call it “Hagouza“, which means “Agrarian Year”.

The Julian calendar: is a solar calendar used in ancient Rome, introduced by Julius Caesar in 46 BC to replace the Roman Republican calendar. It was used in Europe until it was replaced by the Gregorian calendar in the late 16th century. There is a 14-day difference between the Gregorian calendar and the Berber calendar.

The Berber people celebrate Yennayer in Morocco, Libya, Tunisia and parts of Egypt. The Algerian government recognizes it as a national holiday. In Morocco, many people are working to have Yennayer recognized as a national holiday as well.

As an agricultural holiday, Yennayer is a celebration of life. Like the January 1 holiday, it is a time for people to wish for longevity, prosperity and the future. It is a day for weddings and other important life events. Children go through important rites of passage during this Yennayer holiday. Boys may receive their first haircuts. And parents send their children to get fruits and vegetables.

Food is an important part of the celebration and several dishes are traditionally served on this special day. Orkimen is a thick soup made of dried beans and wheat. Couscous is another traditional dish, and on Yennayer it is specially prepared with seven vegetables. Tagoula is a meal of corn grains prepared with butter, ghee, argan oil and honey.

A date seed or a piece of almond can be hidden in the Tagoula or couscous. Whoever finds the seed or nut is supposed to be blessed throughout the year. In the past, this person was entrusted with the keys to the storage room for the rest of the year.

There are also many amazing traditions and practices that accompany the food that the Amazigh prepare for this festive night. In addition to the special dances and songs of love, fertility, and prosperity that welcome a new agrarian year, the Amazighs, especially those living in the countryside, find this occasion a better chance to socialize, exchange food, and reconcile with those with whom they have had some misunderstanding.

Southeast-morocco.com – What is the role of women in Berber culture?

MC – The orality of women, most of whom are illiterate, is a major factor in the survival of Tamazight, as they use this language in domestic communication, raising children, and repeating folk stories, poems, proverbs, songs, and family and cultural stories. Because Tamazight and related Amazigh languages are not taught in public schools, it is incumbent upon Amazigh women to pass on knowledge of the language to subsequent generations. And as primary caregivers, women are the children’s first link to Tamazight, giving the language its mother tongue status and consolidating its longevity despite its lack of representation in the public sphere.

Another reason why women can be considered the primary actors in the preservation of Tamazight lies in their related role as custodians of culture. In addition to managing their homes and raising their children, women play a vital role in preserving Amazigh artistic and cultural heritage through their work in areas such as textiles, music, poetry, and dance.

Again, women are particularly important because they infuse these arts with traditions passed down orally from generation to generation. For example, women give Tamazight names to their textile designs and pass them on to their daughters. The names vary depending on the similarity the weaver imagines between the pattern and surrounding objects or the natural world, so that a single pattern may have a multitude of descriptive Tamazight names for different artists and families.

Moroccan Amazigh rugs are unique and have a fascinating history. They are one of the most famous folk art carpet styles. These carpets have been made continuously for over two millennia. The weaving of Moroccan carpets has always been the responsibility of Amazigh women both in terms of creation, weaving and artistic representation.

Women were responsible for preserving and transmitting the knowledge necessary for the manufacture of these carpets, including the secrets of family patterns, looping techniques and the colors to be used. All of this knowledge about the history of Amazigh carpet weaving was passed down matrilineally, with each generation of women responsible for passing it on to the next. Carpets were used within tribal groups as house covers, horse blankets, standards, flags and other utilitarian objects.

Southeast-morocco.com – What are the specificities of Tuareg culture within the Berber cultural community?

MC – Although they have retained the language and many of the customs of their Berber ancestors, the Tuareg have developed a unique culture of their own, a true synthesis of many traditions, including not only Berber and Arab, but also elements of indigenous peoples who reside in the Sahel.

An aura of mystery and romance surrounds the desert nomads known as Tuaregs. Long known as warriors, traders, and skilled guides in the arid, harsh Sahara Desert, the Tuareg have seen their independence severely threatened by recurring droughts that kill their herds and by international borders that severely restrict their travel. Many have been forced to abandon their nomadic lifestyle and settle down, forming small villages or moving to cities to find work.

Berbers once sought refuge in the oases of the Sahara

The Tuareg people represent a Saharan offshoot of the Berbers, who have resided in North Africa for several millennia. While today’s Tuareg are nominally Muslim, their ancestors fled to the Sahara Desert to avoid submission to Arab conquerors and conversion to Islam. Following the Arab conquests in the seventh century A.D., and then the Bedouin immigrations to North Africa in the eleventh century A.D., many groups of Berbers sought refuge in the oases of the Sahara. There they adopted a nomadic and predatory lifestyle, modelled on that of their invaders.

These nomadic pastoralists inhabit a region of North Africa that stretches from central Algeria and Libya in the north to northern Nigeria in the south, and from western Libya in the east to Timbuktu in Mali in the west. Today there are an estimated 1.3 million Tuareg, most of whom live in Mali and Niger.

Tuareg society is traditionally feudal, with five castes: nobles, vassals, holy men, artisans and workers (former slaves). The Tuareg are traditionally monogamous and have a matrilineal inheritance system. In this, they differ markedly from their Berber relatives, the Arabs and most other sub-Saharan peoples.

Southeast-morocco.com – Is it finally possible to distinguish the Berber part in the identity of Morocco?

MC – The cultures that make up Morocco are inextricably linked. But the Amazigh culture is nevertheless the central element of the way of life and the popular belief system dominant in Morocco. One example is the Twiza, or community support network, which is basically an Amazigh concept but has become the foundation of Morocco’s contemporary social structure.

In Morocco, Amazigh customs and belief systems are central to popular Islam, including Sufism as practiced by Sunni Maliki Muslims.

Read more : The Naciria zaouia of Tamegroute, exploration of its genesis

The relationship between Islam and the Amazigh in Morocco is mutually reinforcing. Islam is the religious tradition of the Amazigh. The Amazigh in turn color the tradition with their local languages, customs, and beliefs, some of which predate Islam. Thus the ancient Amazigh animistic belief in the religious significance of the seasons gained an additional layer of Islamic significance when Moroccan followers (sing. murid, pl. muridun) of the Amazigh Sufi Sidi Harazem associated the miracle (karâmah) of spring with this Friend of God. Popular Islamic mysticism, or Sufism, in Morocco reconstructs pre-Islamic religious phenomena through an Islamic theological medium. The Amazigh awliyâ’ Allah, or Friends of God, do the crucial work of locating the Islamic tradition in their Amazigh linguistic and religious context. Popular Sufi Islam in Morocco is thus a tradition that values both the local Amazigh cultural context and the Islamic tradition.

It should not be forgotten that the Amazigh are the original inhabitants of Morocco. They have continuously lived in this country for over five thousand years. The relationship between Amazigh culture and Moroccan society is therefore natural. The beliefs and lifestyles of the original inhabitants of Morocco are therefore central to contemporary Moroccan culture.

Mohamed Chtatou is a professor of “corporate communication” at the International University of Rabat (UIR) and of “pedagogy” at the Mohammed V University of Rabat. In addition, he is currently a political analyst for Moroccan, American, Arab, French, Italian and British media on Middle East politics and culture, Islamism and religious terrorism. He is also a specialist on Sufism and political Islam in the MENA region and is interested in the roots of terrorism and religious extremism.

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